IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


k 


A 


{./ 


1.0 


I.I 


1^  IM    12.5 

US  "^    "^ 

mmwn 

:?   L&    12.0 

u 


IL25  i  1.4 


U^^s 


1^1 


1.6 


HiotDgraphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


f.%  »«ST  Kl\m  STIWf  T 

Wib»tk«,N.Y.  MSSO 

(716)S72-4S03 


# 


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^ 


■^ 


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4^ 


^-V 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  mlcroreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique.  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m6thode  normale  de  f ilmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


D 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I   Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag6e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  pelliculie 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


□    Coloured  maps/ 
Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 


D 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I   Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais.  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6td  filmdes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires; 


D 
D 
D 
Q 
D 
0 


D 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagies 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pellicul^es 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  ddcolor^es,  tachetdes  ou  piqudes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  inigaie  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppldmentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  fiim^es  d  nouveau  de  fa9on  d 
obtenir  la  meiileure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous 

10X                            14X                            18X                            22X 

26X 

30X 

y 

12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

Th«  copy  film«d  h«r«  hat  b««n  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


L'axamplaira  filmA  f ut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
gAnArosit*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tita  bast  quality 
possibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacif ications. 


Las  imagaa  suivantaa  ont  At*  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  l'axamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  dw 
filmaga. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  an^l  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microfiche 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^-^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 


Las  axamplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  ast  imprimia  sont  f  ilmis  an  commandant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniora  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axamplairas 
originaux  sont  filmto  an  commandant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darniira  paga  qui  comporta  una  talla 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolas  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha.  salon  Ic 
cas:  la  symbols  —^  signifia  "A  SUIVRE  ",  la 
symbols  V  signifia  "FIN". 


Maps,  platas,  charts,  ate,  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  reduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  das  taux  da  reduction  diff Grants. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  soul  clich*.  il  est  film*  A  partir 
da  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  an  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthoda. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

9P 


/ 


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<2yyazt/uvest 
CdUectio/v 


DELIVEf 


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TER 


■i«n--r-nnBi[.»M 


SPEECH 


ov 


HON.  ISAAC  PAREISH,  OF  OHIO, 


DELIVERED  IN  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  WHOLE  OX  THE  STATE  OF  THE  UNION, 


FEBRUARY  6,   1846, 


ON   THE 


WJVT  RESOLUTION  TO  TERMLVJTE  THE   COXVEXTIOX  WITH  GRE.1T  BRITJHK, 


RELATING   TO    THE 


TERRITORY  "  WEST  OF  THE  STONY  OR  ROCKY  MOUNTAINS." 


WASHINGTON: 

FRINTED  AT  THE  OFFICE  OF  THE   DAILT  TIMES. 

1846. 


fo  the  House 

7 

I  Convention 
^obtained  ih 
Mr.  Chaip 
he  (•omiuiite( 
ifeelis  siuee, 

'  '•  Rcsnli-cd 

»1  opinion  w 

w  treaty,  or 

md  its  perpe 

spirit  of  aurnri 

irbitrary  }i;ov 

the  America! 

Resolmd, 

is  the  source 

and  maintain 

af  tliis  Gove 

their  system! 

Bales  from  t 

■Och  poUtica 

resisted  by  l 

Resolved, 

Unents  tlie  1 

h*inffin<T  the 

American  co 

tte  liencefor 

tfeat  •  it  slioi 

or  dominion 

Resolved, 

an  imaiediat 

has  arise  t,  a 

ted  to  tiie  Bi 

dudes  tlie  I* 

tion  of  the  i 

In  what  1 

Executive; 

feelinsf,  or  i 

question  is  i 

The  Pre? 

•nd  action  c 

I.  That 

rtcan  contii 

planting  col 

,i  2.  A  redi 


SPEECH. 


hthe  Hmac  of  Represenlalims,  February  6th.  184G — On  the  Joint  Resolution  to  terminate  th» 
Convention  with  Great  Britain,  in  relation  to  i)recron,  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  Mr.  Parkish 
obtained  the  iloor,  and  snid  : 

Mr.  Chairman  :  As  expressing  my  views  on  some  questions  connected  with  the  one  now  befoiv 
be  comiuiitee.  I  send  to  the  Clerk's  desk  the  following  Resolutions,  which  I  had  prepared  some 
vecks  since,  and  whieli  I  intend  tu  offer  so  soon  as  an  opportunity  shall  bo  afforded: 

I"  Resnlncd  hy  the  Senate  and  Home  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled.  That  the  politi- 
jal  opinion  which  inculcates  thai  this  Government  cannot  enlarge  its  territorial  limits  by  disoorery 
at  treaty,  or  increase  the  number  of  States  in  its  Union,  without  endangering  its  peace,  its  strength, 
md  its  perpetuity  :  as  also  the  plitical  opinion  that  any  such  enlargement  or  admission  evinces  a 
spirit  of  aurrrrandlzpraent,  of  (Mtnquest,  or  of  ambition,  are  opinions  emenated  by  the  advocates  of 
irl)itrary  jjovernments,  which  are  proven  false  in  our  own  experience,  and  cannot  he  admitted  by 
the  American  i)eople. 

Resolved,  That  whilst  we  concede  to  European  forms  of  Grfjvernment,  where  in  theory  the  Crown 
is  the  source  from  which  nil  power  emenat^s,  that  «o/i<icfli  balances  may  be  necessary  to  create 
ind  maintain  rulers,  and  to  check,  limit,  and  control  the  people;  and  whilst  the  pacifie  character 
3f  this  Government  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  scrupulously  maintained,  by  non  interference  wilh 
their  systems  on  their  own  continent,  yet,  on  the  American  continents,  where  government  erne- 
Bates  from  the  people,  and  the  administrators  are  but  the  representatives  of  the  popular  will,  no 
such  political  balance  of  pfiwer  is  necessary,  and  any  and  every  attempt  to  enforce  it  here  will  be 
resisted  by  this  Government. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  indication,  even  by  a  friendly  power,  to  introduce  on  the  American  con- 
tinents the  Finropean  system  of  balance  of  power,  justifies  the  President  in  his  annual  message,  in 
lMringin<T  the  subject  before  Contrress  and  the  country,  and  in  declaring  before  the  world  *  that  the 
American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition  which  they  h^^ve  assumed  and  maintain, 
a>e  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  sulyects  of  future  colonization  by  any  European  power,'  and 
tfeat  ■•  it  should  be  distinctly  announced  to  the  world  as  our  settled  policy,  that  no  European  colony 
or  dominion  shall,  with  our  consent,  he  planted  or  established  on  any  part  of  these  continents.' 

'  Resolved,  That  the  principle  thtis  avi  wed,  whilst  it  does  not  pretend  to  create  or  perfect  title,  has 
an  immediate  application  to  the  Oreiron  Territory,  where  'our  title  is  clear  and  unquestionable,'  and 
has  arisei,  and  its  declaration  and  maintenance  become  necessary  since  the  pro])osition  was  submit- 
ted to  the  British  minister  to  adjust  the  boundary  at  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  now  pre- 
cludes the  Executive  from  accepting  any  prop(>sition.  or  entering  into  any  treaty,  whereby  any  por- 
tion of  the  coimtry  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Rocky  Mountains  shall  he  ceded  to  Great  Btitain." 

In  what  I  say  in  committee,  nor  by  these  resolutions,  do  I  mean  to  forestall  or  to  outstrip  the 
Executive;  and   iiere,  as  I  have  ever  done  elsewhere,  I  shall  studiously  avoid  all  sectional  or  local 
feeling,  or  any  allusion  to  the  North  or  the  South,  the  East  or  the  West,  when  a  great  national  , 
question  is  involved,  such  as  1  conceived  the  present  to  be. 

The  President,  in  his  annual  message,  presents  three  principal  questions  for  the  oonsiderat^n 
tnd  action  of  Congress:  / 

il.  That  it  is  the  settled  policy  of  this  Government  to  resist  all  attempts  to  establish  on  th«  Ame- 
can  continents  a  political  balance  of  power,  and   to  prevent  any  European   Government  from 
planting  colonies  or  establishing  any  dominion  on  the  North  American  continent. 
,  2.  A  reduction  of  the  tariff  to  the  revenue  standard,  or  indirect  taxation  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
jflie  Government,  and  no  more.         ' 


I 


1.  t 


O  i 


i'» 


3.  The  establishini;  a  constitutional  Treasury,  for  the  collection,  keeping,  and  disbursing  of  thi« 
Government's  money  sepanile  and  distinct  from  all  corporatp  (ir  private  iitterests. 

All  these  arc  Kxeculivf  measures,  but  lliR  Uvo  last,  whilst  iliey  arecif  deep  import  to  the  whoK  . 
American  peopio,  eflt-ct  us  most  in  our  internal  and  dojiifstir;  n-lalions,  and  on  which  we  have  In  ;* 
gislated  and  aclwl  until  they  have  l)ecoiue  essttitially  parli/.iu.     Mdt  s)  with  the  first;  it  addresses  * 
itself  more   to  our  relations    with  Kiiropeaii   (juvcnitnonls.    and  rspecially  with  great    Britain 
This  is  the  only  issue  presented  hy  this  Administration  to  tlie  country,     li  finds  its  immediate  ani: 
unavoidable  application    to  the  Orejron  (juestion,  or  ••'Aw.  cDiinlry  westward  of  the  Stony  or  R'lck} 
Mountains."     On  this  subject  the  President  recommends :     1.  'I'he  givinjj  of  the  notice  now  under  '| 
consideration.     2.  The  extension  of  our  laws  and  jurisiliction  over  the  country.     3.  The  establish    ■ 
raent  of  agencies  and  in'.ercourse  with  iht-  Indians.     A.  A  cordon  of  posts,  with  sullicient  military  • 
force  to  protect  our  (.migration  there.     And  o.  Tlie  establisliinij  mail  facilities  luiween  that  couti-  i 
try  and  the  Stales.  | 

These  recommendations,  like  the  principle  that  includes  tliem,  I  admit,  have  not  assumed  parti 
zan  casts,  but  they  are  not  less  the  measures  of  the  Adiniuislration  than  those  of  the  Tariff'  and 
the  Cotsiilutional  Treasury;  nor  are  they  the  less  iiiiportan*,  in  my  judirment,  and  I  can  most 
cordially  give  to  the  Adraiuistratiou  my  sincere  support  in  ail  its  recommendations.  Even  further, 
if  it  should  be  thought  necessary,  I  ain  willing  to  grant  pro  emption  to  settlers  on  the  soil  west  of 
the  Stony  or  Rocky  Mountains.  I  use  this  latter  expression,  Mr.  Ch.airman,  because  it  is  the  lan- 
guage of  the  treaty,  and  is  most  consonant  with  the  principle  of  the  Executive  in  regard  to  coloni- 
zation and  dominion  by  a  foreign  power  on  this  continent;  and  because  i  believe,  sir,  that  no  good 
reason  can  he  assigned  for  limiting  our  title  to  54^^  40'. 

I  do  not  intend  to  enter  into  an  oxaraiiiation  of  title,  but  avail  myself  of  tiie  declaration  that  it  is 
"  sustained  by  irrefraguble  fads  and  urgwncnt.and  is  clear  and  niKjucslioniible,''  not  only  to  54°  40',  '■ 
but  beyond.  I  concur  with  the  gcnlleinan  from  Illinois,  (Mr.  Doculass,)  that  our  treaty  with 
Rudsia  is  like  that  with  England,  for  fisliing,  hunting,  and  settllement  by  her  people,  not  by  the 
Government;  but  of  one  thing  I  am  not  mistaken,  that  by  the  express  terms  ol"  the  treaty,  Russia  - 
was.<;onfined  to  the  ''coast  and  the  adjacent  islands,''  and  has  not  occupied  or  claimed  beyond  this. 
Leaving  to  Russia,  then,  her  treaty,  with  her  possessions,  (which  I  would  not  interrupt,)  there  re-  ' 
mains  between  the  Rocky  Mountains,  north  of  54^^  40',  ati  area  of  more  than  500,000  square 
miles,  which  is  included  in  our  acpiisition  from  Spain,  and  in  our  conventions  with  England,  to 
which  our  title,  as  I  believe,  is  as  g  )od  as  that  portion  of  the  country  which  lies  between  495-^  and 
540  40',  And  if  any  adjustment  shall  be  made,  by  which  tho  exclusive  right  of  Great  Britain 
shall  be  acknowledged  10  any  part  of  this  country,  even  north  of  5P  40',  in  less  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century,  it  will  bs  matter  of  astonishment  to  American  statesimen  and  the  American  people  that, 
with  the  avowal  of  the  I'lxeoutive,  and  the  evidence  of  title  wliieli  exist,  Great  Britain  should 
have  been  permitted  to  colonire  or  aeqnire  domain  in  any  pnrt  of  this  territory.  I  therelbre  go  for 
giving  this  notice,  iu  the  Ian  ruage  of  the  treaty,  for  '•  ihe  cjunlry  westward  of  the  Stony  or 
Rocky  Mountains,"  and  raaintaiuing  our  right  to  the  whole,  and  nothing  less  than  the  whole,  as 
agalfist  Great  Britain.  •  . 

But  it  is  urged  by  tho-se  opposed  to  the  notice,  that  if  it  should  pass  in  tlie  unqualilied  form  re- 
ported by  the  committee,  it  is  equivalent  to  declaration  of  war,  and  that  it  should  be  amended  so 
as  to  leave  the  subject  discretionary  with  the  Preswlent. 

I  would -not  put  it  iu  the  power  of  ihe  Executive  to  do  that  indirectly  which  the  Constitution 
ithibits  directly,  to  declare  war,  or  to  do  any  act  not  clearly  conferred  by  the  Constitution,  which 
wotJt*ineces.sarily  lead  to  war.  Neither  would  least  the  responsibility  on  the  Executive  when  the 
fiubjecidoes  not  belong  to  him,  but  let  Congress,  where  the  matter  properly  belongs,  decide  and  act 
upoii  it,  tnd  leave  the  President  to  carry  out  their  legislation.  To  the  proposed  amendment  I  am 
opposed,  aid  if  it  prevails  I  will  vote  against  the  notice. 

But,  Mr.  v^hairman,  I  do  not  believe  there  is  any  war  in  this  subject.  I  admit  that  the  issue  of 
war  or  of  peacQ  is  with  Great  Britain.    If  she  desires  war  with  us,  she  will  act  want  a  pretext ; 


and  tl 

find  h 

the  001 

of  thi» 

with  I 

shall 

give,  tl 

in  the 

be  an  a 

Engl  a  I 

this  Ad 

on  our 

Out 

thi;  gro 

taken  ? 

one,  wi 

Ido 

offered 

ever  thf 

has  aris' 

opposed 

the  grou 

to  two  0 

Passir 

in   relati 

rida.    D 

poises  jif 

Great  B 

formally 

what  we 

tii'es,"  " 

identical 

:  maintami 

':  Florida  i; 

Again 

'  pres'^nted 

r.ilely  as.s 

included 

States  ai 

:  tory  thtis 

Governm 

and  a  thi 

ministers 

.Insisted  0 

nisters  al 

•Vite  a  cot 

lihus  abar 

v    These 

phent,  b; 

ilined;    a 

.DAMS,) 


& 


irsing  of  thi 


\ 


u 


:o  ihe  whol*  . 
we  havo  lo 
it  addresses 
e:it  Britain 
iniediat«  ani; 
;iy  or  R'lckj 
'e  now  under 
he  ealablish 
lent  military 
an  that  coun-  , 

jsumed  parti 
i  Tariff"  and 
d  I  can  most 
*iven  further, 
5  soil  west  of 
!  it  is  the  lan- 
ard  lo  coloni- 
ihat  no  good 

lion  that  it  is 

ilyto54O40', 

treaty  with 

,  not  by  the 

reaty,  Russia  ..; 
beyond  this. 

|)t,)  there  re-  ' 
1,000  square  i 
England,  to    ; 

len  491^  and    . 

Jrcat  IJritaia    i 
a  quarter  of    '' 
people  that, 
itain  should 

[refore  go  for 
he  Stony  or 
le  whole,  as 

led  form  re- 
amc  tided  so 

IConstitution 
lution,  which 
re  when  the 
3ide  and  act 
Idment  I  am 

Ithe  issue  of 
[t  a  pretext ; 


and  though  we  give  her  the  whole  of  Oregon,  yet,  through  Mexico,  orsotno  other  means,  she  will 
find  her  occasion.  If  she  desires  peace,  «h»!  will  yield  tho  question,  and  give  you  the  whole  of 
the  cou"ti  7.  What  hnr  policy  is  I  do  not  know,  and  1  have  but  little  confidnnn3  in  tho  speculations 
iif  those  here  wlio  assumn  ti  point  ii  (»iit.  My  liumblf  opiniuii  is,  thai  sho  does  not  desire  war 
with  us:  but  if,  after  rejeeling  the  mH<fnaniiiious  and  paeifie  offer  which  lias  been  made  her,  she 
shall  make  the  "fiving  ot"  this  iiotiee,  whieii.  by  lier  S(»lemn  treaty  she  lias  stipulated  wo  might 
give,  the  occasion  fjr  w:ir,  then  isslie  manitestly  wnmg,  nnd  we  shall  never  >itiiiid  inorcelearly  justified 
in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  wnrlil  than  on  this  ground.  It  will  be  her  war,  not  ours.  It  will  not 
bean  attempt  lu  coiKpier  Kngiaiid  on  our  pari,  as  is  strungoly  asserted  by  those  hen;  who  parade 
England's  wealth,  England's  power,  and  P'ngland's  navy,  in  opposing  this  notice,  and  as  I  Iwlicvo 
this  Administration,  but  a  cunscious  and  delerminod  m:iintain»nee  of  our  principles  and  our  rights 
on  our  own  suil,  against  her  agnrssions  and  encroachments. 

But  it  is  asked  if  w;i  adhere  to  our  rights,  what  r^an  England  do  ?  How  can  she  esi-apn  from 
the  ground  sh"  has  assume!  ?  And  when  has  she  bisLMi  kn')wn  to  yioM  a  position  which  she  has 
taken  .?  To  these  in  jiiiries  1  ans'  er,  she  can  du  as  she  has  before  done  on  mitro  occasions  thaa 
one,  with  this  country  :  yield  her  interference  and  pretensions  unjustly  put  forward. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  Kngland  is  not  powerful,  that  slie  is  not  ii.inghty,  or  thai  she  has  not 
offered  us  insult  and  injury,  lor  wliich  she  lias  not  atoned  :  but  I  mean  to  say  distinctly,  that  when- 
ever the  principle  now  involved,  of  the  extension  a;id  mtiintenance  of  our  territory  and  jurisdiction, 
has  arisen,  that  England,  in  her  own  right,  or  in  behalf  of  some  ally,  oillier  civilized  or  savage,  has 
iippjsed  ;  and  in  every  instance  wlie.re  she  has  been  met  with  firmness,  she  has  invariably  yielded 
the  ground.  I'' or  this  I  appeal  to  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  country,  etmtent  with  referring  you 
to  two  or  three  instances. 

Passing  without  comment  the  position  that  England  occupied  in  1803,  1804,  and  1805, 
in  relation  to  the  actpiisation  of  Louisiana — I  refer  more  especially  to  the  subject  of  Flo- 
rida. During  the  administrat'on  of  Mr.  Madison,  when  this  Government  was  seeking  to  obtain 
po^sesjion,  vindicating  our  title,  and  abi»ut  to  extend  our  jurisdiction  and  laws  over  that  country. 
Great  Britain,  in  0:*t(iher  and  Dv>eem!)er,  1S!0,  and  July  and  September,  181 1,  interposed,  and 
formally  announced  to  this  Government  tiiat  she  could  not,  and  would  not,  permit  us  to  accomplish 
what  we  desired  ;  and  if  wep?rsisle,d,  we  subjected  ourselves  to  the  imputation  nl' "'  uinlitious  mo- 
tives," "a  disposition  for  foreign  conquest,"  and  for  "territorial  ag-gran<lizemeni."  Such  were  the 
identical  expressions  used  by  her  minister  to  this  Government.     This    Government  went  forward, 

;  maintained  its  rights,  obtained  formal  posso-ssion,  and  extended  its  jurisdiction.    No  war  ensued,  and 

i  Florida  is  now  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union. 

Again,  in  1814,  at  Ghent,  when  this  G>)vernment  was  treating  with  Great  Britain. in  the  protocol 
presented  by  her  coruaiissiiinvrs,  the  s?eond  ar:iele  ri'ijoirtid  the  United  States  to  mark  out  and  defi- 
ii'iely  assign  boundaries  to  the  territory  of  the  different  Indian  tribes,  (which,  as  I  understand  it, 
included  as  well  those  in  alliance  with  us  as  with  England,  and  as  well  those  tribes  within  our 
Stales  and  Territories  as  those  on  other  parts  of  the  ./Yoif)  ^linerican  continent,)  and  that  the  terri- 
tory thus  marked  out  and  defined,  should  never  afterwards  be  acquired  by  treaty  or  otherwise  to  this 
Government.  This,  it  was  positively  announced,  was  a  sine  qua  non.  It  was  put  forward  a  second 
and  a  third  lime,  in  the  same  solemn  and  imposing  manner,  and  as  decidedly  met  by  tlie  American 
ministers;  and  the  last  time  the  British  commissioners  were  told  decidedly,  that  if  this  article  was 

.insisted  on  the  convention  would  adjourn  without  oming  to  any  understanding.  The  British  mi- 
nisters abandoned  their  ground,  and  a  treaty  was  made,  without  embracing  any  snch  principle.  I  in- 
-Vite  a  consideration  of  the  manner,  the  ocjasion,  and  the  nature  of  the  position  thus  assumed,  and 
tVins  abandoned  by  the  British  Government. 

,>  These  are  not  the  only  instances.  During  the  administration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  after  tiie  treaty  of 
Iphent,  by  which  England  wus  bound  to  deliver  Astoria,  in  the  country  now  in  dispute,  she  de- 
flined;  a  diplomatic  correspondence  was  had,  and  the  venerable  member  from  Massachusettd,  (Mr. 
Adams,)  then  Secretary  of  State,  in  maintaining  our  rights  and  the  obligations  of  the  treaty  of 


Ghent,  on  the  20lh  May,  1818,  instrurfed  Mr.  Rush,  our  minister,  to  say  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment: "  If  the  United  Slates  leave  her  (Kniriand)  in  undisputed  cnjoyujcnt  of  all  her  holds  upon 
"  B'iUrope.  Asia,  and  Africa,  with  all  her  actual  possessions  in  this  iieinisphere,  we  may  very  fairly 
"  expect  that  she  will  not  think  it  consi-^tent  either  with  a  wise  or  friendly  p(dicy  Id  watch  with 
"  eyes  of  jealousy  and  alarm  every  possibility  of  extension  to  our  natural  dominion  in  JNWf/i  ,1nie- 
"  riea,  wiiieli  she  ean  liavf  no  solid  int'^nst  to  prevent,  until  all  poxsiliiUlii  of  Iser  preventing  it 
•'  shall  have  vanished."  Mere  you  have  the  very  principh  ,  laid  duwii  It)'  the  Kxecutive,  in  rela- 
tion to  eolotiizaliun  ami  dominion  in  North  America,  and  Inire  it  is  as  hioad  ai.d  as  clear  as  it  is  in 
the  President's  Messaife,  and  hero  you  have  its  application  to  this  very  sidyect  under  consideration. 
After  this  annouiieement,  in  the  face  of  Ihm'  own  pretensiitn^t,  Enjiland  yielded  ;  and  on  the  6th 
Octoher.  1818,  foni  ally  delivered  possession  of  Astoria  lothis  (lovernment.  And  I  lielieve,  if  she 
is  sincere  in  her  desire  Utr  peace,  she  will  yield  now  to  u;  our  rin'lils,  and  aliamlon  the  entire  country 
west  of  th,^  Rocky  Mountains. 

But  it  is  urfijed  hy  those  opposed  to  <rivin;,'  this  notice,  that  it  will  prevent  further  treaty,  and 
all  prospect  of  future  compromise.  To  this  I  answer,  1  wovdd  not  interfere  with  the  treaty- makintj 
power,  and  this  notice  will  not. — hut  I  am  opposed  to  any  compromise  of  this  cpiestion — I  do  not  see 
how  it  can  be  »>lfected  without  compromisinfr  the  A<iiainistralion  with  it.  Texas  and  Ore<ron  were 
in  issue  in  the  Presidential  contest,  as  well  as  a  revenue  Tariff  and  a  constilutioiial  Treasury.  x\nd 
is  there  an  inlellisrent  man  who  believes  for  one  momcni  thai  Mr.  Polk  c:)uld  li.ive  bean  eh-cted  on 
the  Tarifl'and  Treasury  (jue.stions  wiihmt  thf  principle  involved  in  Texas  and  Orejion  ?  It  seems 
tome  there  is  not.  Texas  is  admitted — ()rey;on  remains — and  in  it  is  to  be  tesled  the  broad  (pies- 
tions  of  Foreiijn  6'o/oH(rrt(ioH  and  Forei;rn  Uomininnon  \]w  JS'urfli  Jhncnniu  couiinenl.  The  nw- 
mcnt  any  omproinise  •  •'"  '>  U^  whicii  t!u^  exclusive  rijrbl  of  Great  liritain  is  acknowledged  to 
any  portion  of  the  territ  -^st  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  even  north  of  .51*^  10',  between  the  Rocky 

Mountains  and  the  Russian  ii^rrilory,  you  allow  hev  to  ciduni/e,  and  especially  do  you  irive  her  do- 
minion.   The  moment  you  compromise  at  IIP.  yon  rccojrnize  her  riy;lil  to  cidonize,  and  jjrant  her 
dominion  in  the  most  essential  ]»art  of  the  Oregon  Territory,  iioiwiths!andin«T  the  decdaration  of  the 
proposition,  "  that  it  should  be  dislincily  announced  to  ihe  world  as  our  settled  jiolicy,  that  no  such 
thing,  "  vvith  our  consent,"  should  be  permitted,     ('oiiipiouds;)  iliis  ijuesiion  and  pass,  if  you  can, 
with  the  present  Congress,  your  TariiT  and   eonstiiutiunal  Treasury   laws,  and  INI r.  Polk   will  ho 
compelled,  before  he  leaves  the  Presidential  chair,  to  sign  or  veto  hills  for   their  repeal;  more  than 
this,  the  majority  that  are  in  power  with  him  will  bo  scailered  to  the  winds.     In  my  humble  judg- 
ment, he  will  be   driven  to  sii_rn   or  veto  bills  lor  internal  improvements  of  the  most  latitudinarian 
character.     And  he  will  leave  llie  Presidential  chair  with  less  reirret,  and  more  reproach  from  his 
countrymen  and  odium  from  abroad,  than  any  man  who  has  ever  iilled  it.    On  the  other  hand,  if  the 
President  stands  firm,  as  I  believe  he  will, and  maintains  inflexibly  the  principle  he  has  avowed  as 
to  foreign  interference,  foreign  colonization,  and  foreign  dominion,  all  is  well — it  is   his  country's 
cause — the  people  are  with  him  ;  and  though  he  is  witbuut  a  party  in  Congress,  and  although  this 
House  and  the  Senate,  and  evaii  a  Cahinel  be  against  him.  lie  has  iiolbing  to  fear.     The  whole  of 
Oregon,  like  the  whole  of  Texas,  will  be   ours,  and  the  President  will   lally  around   him  a  party, 
not  by  the  (dd  org-anization,  but  of  the  Democratic  elements  of  the  country,  in  the  country's  cause, 
more  formidable  than  any  President  since  the  days  of  NV^ishinglon. 

But  it  is  urged  tiiat  the  President  is  bound  to  accept  the  49^  if  offered  by  Great  Rrtain.  This 
is  denied  ;  and  those  who  should  sustain  the  a/firmative,  and  show  sufficient  reason,  evade  it  by 
asking,  "what  ean  the  President  do  if  England  refuses  to  approve?  the  act  of  her  minister  in  re- 
"  jecdng  the  proposal  of  the  President  and  agrees  i(»  accept  it  ?'•  This  ingenious  question  they 
"  answer  themselves,  by  asserting :  *'  Ke  cannot  avoid  settling  at  the  iOth  deg.  without  dishonor. 
He  is  "  bound  to  do  it."  This  is  more  specious  than  sound.  It  assumes,  first,  either  that  by  such  re- 
fusal of  Great  Britain,  the  proposition  of  the  President  would  be  reinstated,  or  he  would  be  bound 
to  renew  it.  Not  so,  the  proposition  has  been  made— it  has  been  rejected  ;  and  it  has  been  un- 
qualifiedly withdrawn.    The  matter  now  stands  as  though  no  such  proposal  had  been  made,  and  no 


Goveni- 
ds  upon 
ry  fairly 
li  with 
Oi  Ame 

lllilior  it 
ill  rela- 
it.  is   ill 

dnration. 

\\w  Oth 

e,  if  she 
country 

iity,  and 
-makinir 
)  not  sen 
run  wore 
ry.    And 
Icclpd  un 
It  seems 
oad  (iiies- 
The  ini>- 
edored  to 
lio  Uocky 
i»  hor  do- 
jrant  lier 
I  ion  of  tlie 
It  no  sucli 
'  you  can, 
k  will  bo 
nioro  than 
inblejndg- 
tudinarian 
1  from  iiis 
land,  if  the 
ivowed  as 
country's 
lough  this 
!  whuhi  of 
n  a  party. 
ry's  cause, 

lin.  This 
rade  it  by 
iter  in  re- 
istion  they 
t  dishonor. 
by  such  re- 
be  bound 
been  nn- 
le,  and  no 


act  of  the  British  fiovermnrnt,  or  her  minister,  can  change  the  aspect  so  as  to  reinstate  the  propo- 
sal,  or  rrqnirn  the  Presidrnl    lo  renew  it.     There  is  nothing  for  England  to  accept,  nor  is  there 
any  thing  from  which  the  President  would  liave  to  recede  :  or,  secondly,  it  assumes  that  Great  Bri- 
tain will  propose  the  same  line,  the  I'J^,  that  has  been  once  submitted  to  her.     What  England 
will  propose  I  do  not  know,  but  if  she  should  jiroposi^  the  49°,  it  becomes  now   her  original  propo- 
sition, and  the  Pree'dent  is  no  more  liouiid  to  accept  it,  than  he  would  be  any  other  pro|H>sition  she 
might  submit.     I  maintain  there  is  no  riilent'  liDiiur  for  a  nation  that  is  not  applicable  to  tiie  citizen, 
and  there  is  no  rule,  of  honor  for  the  individual  thai  conflicts  witli  the  rule  of  law,  of  right,  and   of 
sound  morals.      Tliis  rule  between  ailversjiries  allows  one  of  the    parlies  ma^nanimovsly  to  offer 
terms  by  which  ho  would  yield  his  own  rights — yea,  even  to  buy  jieaco :  and  it  shall    not  bo  eon- 
verted  into  an  acknowledgment  of  right,  nor  .shall    it  create  obligation.     And  if  the  offer  is  reject- 
ed, no  prejudice  shall   arise.     And   even   peiidinir  '^"^  offer,  if  any   circum.staiice   shall  arise  af- 
fecting the  right  or  the  principle,  it  may  l»c  withdrawn  j  and  after  it  has  been  rejected,  the  same, 
or  a  similar  offer  made,  need  not  be  uccepl.od.     No   right   is  admitted — no  honorable,  legal,   or 
moral   obligation  is   incurred  or  violated  in   any  such  case.     Neither  the  offer  nor  the  refusal   can 
even  be  given  as  evidence,  is   the  universal  language  of  law  amongst  civilized  men.     How,  then, 
stands  the  question?     The  President  has  given  his  rensons,  and  they  are  neither  those   of  avarice 
nor  of /e«r,  but  in  his  own    true  chaTaeler  mid    that  tf  his  countrymen,   he   offered  the    49°,  be- 
lieving,  as    he  well  might,  that  a  great  and  a  mighty  nation  like  Kngland  would  appreciate  the 
magmmimity  and  the  generosity  witli  wiiich  the  offer  was  made,  and  respond  to  it  from  the  same 
high  motives.     In  this   the  President   was  mistaken.     The  aspect  is  now  most  materially  changed. 
An  important  circumstance  has  arisen  which  interposes.     The  offer  was  made  on  the  12th  of  July, 
1845 — it  was  rejected  on  the  :<J'Jlli  of  the  same  month.     During  the  succeeding  month,  of  August, 
or  perhaps  September,  the  intelligence  was  received  here  of  an  avowal  by  a  powerful  nation,  that 
strikes  home  to  the  principle  and  covers  this  very  (jueiition.     From  whence  came  this,  and  what 
was  it  7    Why,  Mr.  (Chairman,  it  was  from  the  first  minister  of  the  nation,  with  whom   we  have 
been  upon  the  most  friendly  terms,  and  with   whom  (very  generous  and  friendly   emotion  of  the 
American  heart  has  been  associated,  and  desires  to  continue,  whilst  the  name  of  him  wh(»  adorns 
the  canvass  on  your  left  shall  have  a  place  in  our  renembrance  ;  and  whilst  we  were  as.serting  our 
title  to  Oregon  to  be  clear  and  iin(]uestionable,  and    with  the  consent  of  Texas  we  had  a  right  to 
annex  her  to  our  Union,  a  philosophic.tl  indifference  is  avowed  in  the  startling  announcement  that 
France  would   not  further  interfere  with  these  questions  nor  our  rights,  ttian  to  maintain  a  haiunee 
of  potpcr  on  these  continents.     How  was  this  announcement   received?    Why,  sir,  the    first   mo- 
tnent  was  one  of  silent  but  universal  surprise;  the  second  was  one  of  as  universal  deliberation;  and 
this  was  sui^R^ebid  by  a  settlerl  detortniiiaUon  of  the  American  people  to  resist  every  such  attempt, 
emenate  from  whence  it  might;  and  in   doing  so,  and  in  maintaining  our  own  principles  and  our 
rights,  to  resist  all  future  co/o/iirrt/io/i  and  acquisition  i){  domininn  on  this  continent.     The  Presi- 
dent felt  with  his  countrymen,  and  in  his  message  could  do  no  less  than  oxpreas  their  sentiments. 
He  has  done  it  in  the  language  he  u.=!ed  on  this  subject.     It  is  the  language  of  truth  and  our  national 
preservation.     And  the  President  cannot  go  back,  as  he  will  do,  if  he  compromises  the    Oregon 
question. 

There  is  another  matter  that  has  arisen,  since  this  proposition  was  submitted  to  the  British  mi- 
nister, that  is  not  to  be  overloo  ed.  Whilst  tho.se  who  oppose  this  notice  denominate  it  a  war 
measure,  and  portray  its  consequences,  there  is  what  I  denominate  a  peace  policy,  and  h  has  its 
consequences.  I  will  not  say  in  that  policy  there  is  any  attempt  to  manufacture  Presidential  capi- 
tal, but  I  will  sjiy  to  those  who  charge  such  an  attempt  on  the  supporters  of  this  notice,  that  the 
Oregon  question  is  of  sucli  magnitude  vvitii  the  American  people,  that  it  will  grind  to  dust  the 
name  of  any  man  who  may  attempt  to  associate  himself  with  it  for  the  Presidency. 

On  the  I3th  of  November  last  a  Convention  was  held  at  Memphis,  over  which  a  distinguished 
gentleman  presided.  That  gentleman  now  heads  the  opposition  in  Congress  to  the  present  mea- 
su  re,  and  whether  it  be  from  a  desire  to  hold  a  balance  of  power  to  control  the  Executive^  or  not. 


8 


it  accounts  for  the  opposition  fVom  certain  quartoni  to  the   prrmnt  mensurc.    In  that  ronvention  is 
clearly  shadowed  forth  the  policy  of  that  gentleman  and  his  friends.    The  inevitable  consequences 
of  two  or  three   rules  laid  down  by  the  president  of  the  cunvention,  show  clearly  tho  object.     It 
is  first  to  force  the  barrier  established  by  the  veto  of  General  Jnekson  in  1830,  and  maintained  by 
the  veto  of  Presidont   Tyler  in  1814,  and  the  way  is  clear  tn  oxinivanrant  appropriations  for  inter- 
nal improvements  on  the  most  lalitudinarian  scale     Ifcrc  is  the  rvidonoc:     The  project  of  a  rail- 
road from  Memphis,  in  the  valley  of  th»>  Mississippi,  to  Atnliinta,  oti  the  Atlantic  cast,  is  denomi- 
nated a  tfrcallHifliiemj,  and  the  pre3idin;r  ofliccr  says  :     "  This  is  not  a  matter  to  !>"  left  to  indivi- 
dual Stales.     It  is  one  of  hijjh  national  impt>rtancc."     In  speaking  nf  the  Mississippi  and  its  tribu- 
taries, which  are  denomiUited  inland  seas,  the  same  otficcr  adrls  :     '•  I  believe  the  free  and  uninter- 
rupted navijration  (if  these  inUind  scax  (ai»  U\  speak)  is  within  the  pePHlinr  province  of  the  (ienoral 
Government."      In  conchidinfj,  ho  adds  :     **  I  have  now   pas:iied  slightly  over  all  the  subjects 
"  befttre  this  body,  and  now  h)t  mj  say  <'»  you   that,  if  there  is  any  imttle  lo  be  fcuitjht  upon 
"  the  adjustment  of  these  impcjrtant  matters,  lei  it  be  done  in,   Compress,  not  here — this  is  not  the 
"  place  !     Our  position  here  is  a  remarkable  one  !     It  will  not  be  twenty  years  bofc)re  we  shall  be 
**  called  up(m  to  unite,  by  a  solid  and  indissoluble  link,  the  Atlantic  and   the  Pacific."     Comment 
is  unnecessary.     He  that  runs  may  read.     Already,  in  accordance  wiih  the  suwestion,  the  subject 
has  been  introduced  into   this  Mouse  and  the  Senate,  and  thos(<  who  are  the  most  prominent  and 
iintirin|r  in    their  opposition  to   the  Orcfron   notice,  if  they  shall  not  bj  ftund  e(|ually  prominent 
and  untiring  in  opposing  the  position  taken  by    the  President   ag.iinst  foreisru  interference,  are  the 
undoubted  advocates  of  the  measure  here  prop<ised.     And  whilst  its  advocates  here  hold  up  high 
tariffs,  inflatitin  of  the  paper  currency,  a  national  debt,  and  National  Bank  as  consequences  of  what 
they  denominuto  a  war  measure,  in  this  {leace  policy  I  see  these   consequences,  one  and  all  ; 
though  less  perceptible,  are  not  the  less  certain,  nor  will   they  bo  of  less  magnitude.     And,  sir, 
which  now  would  l)e  the  first,  the  last,  and  the  sufficient  argument  of  this  opposition  against  this 
notice,  if  you  had  a  debt  of  two  or  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars?     It  would  be  this  debt.     This 
latitudinarian  improvement  policy,   if  fairly  introduced,  fixes  this  and  a  greater  amount  upon  the 
country   irrevocably  ;   and    it  will  be  the  ready  and  efficient  argument  in  all  future  lime  against 
maintainingourprinciplesandour  rights,  resenting  encroachments,  or  repelling  aggression  from  Great 
Britain,  or  any  other  nation.    True,  sir.  I  admit  this  policy  is  held  in  check  by  the  present  interest 
that  is  felt  on  the  subject  before  Congress  and  the  country,  and  it  may  also  be  true  that  the    laurels 
•which  were  won  by  the  president  of  that  convention  may  be  plucked  from  his  brow  by  the  stand  he 
has  taken  in  relation  to  Oregon  ;   and  it  may  be  difficult  to  induce  the  States  that  have  incurred 
60  many  millions  of  debt  in  making  their  own  improvement,  to  submit  to  the  burdens  of  additional 
taxation  by  which  the  General  Government  shall  make  railroads  and  canals  through  the  States  that 
have  hitherto  kept  aloof     Yet  the  elements  that  enter  into  this  policy  are  formidable,  and  its  orga- 
nization one  of  the  most  powerful  that  has  been  formed  in  the  country.     Even  on  this  floor  it  has  its 
advocates,  as  I  believe,  unconsciously;  and  the  President  may  be  driven  to  the  veto,  to  prevent  the 
most  extravagant  appropriations,  before  this  Congress  terminates.     All  this  is  developed  since  the 
proposituin  was  made  and  withdrawn  ;  and  although  I  do  not  express  an  opinion,  yet,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, it  is  a  question  worthy  the  gravest  consideration,  whether,  if  a  war  enoues,  with  all  its  con- 
sequencs,  in  defence  of  the  principle  avowed  by  the  Presidont,  and  of  our  rights  in  Oregon,  it  were 
not  better  for  the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions,  the  ailvan jement  of  liberal  principles,  and  for  poste- 
rity, than  such  a  peace  policy  and  its  consequences,  as  here  indicated. 


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